Bücher von Joe Majerus

Essay from the year 2016 in the subject Politics - International Politics - General and Theories, , language: English, abstract: The concept of pre-emptive strategic integration is altogether not only one of the most farsighted and multi-faceted instruments available in the fields of strategic peace-building and conflict prevention, but in the long run arguably the most crisis-proof and efficacious one as well. Specifically, a well-considered integrative approach to early conflict pre-emption will be shown to be infinitely more profitable and efficient than protracted conflict resolution processes due to the fact that it after all not only seeks to eliminate the underlying causes of potential security threats to the wider international community from the very beginning, but above all as it likewise more consistently attempts to identify and accommodate the correlative character and transnational implications of initially disjointed occurrences and events, be it in terms of intra-state warfare, religious terrorism, popular resistance and civilian disobedience, governmental instability and dictatorial oppression, genocide and human rights violations, economic dislocation and trade imbalances, humanitarian catastrophes, environmental disasters, or mass refugee and migration movements.

Essay from the year 2017 in the subject Politics - International Politics - General and Theories, grade: 1,7, , language: English, abstract: The concept of universal peace cannot exist without the notion of international conflict. As with any other diametrically opposed reference systems¿unipolar/multipolar, status-quo/revisionist, identity/alterity, etc.¿it is arguably less the phenomeno-hermeneutical study of these two conditions as individual occurrences than the nexus and antithetical relationship which exists between them which ultimately provides the most interesting avenues for scholarly research into their various subcategories. Since the ideal of universal peace is central to this dissertation's underlying historical analysis, a thorough engagement with its natural opposite therefore deserves particular attention. Two important qualifications, however, are in order: first, international war and conflict as here applied shall refer exclusively to wilful and aggressively pursued manifestations thereof, and thus not to the use of defensive war measures. While the latter designates the legitimate recourse to military force for the purpose of repelling an attack against the territorial integrity, political independence or interests of a political entity, its aggressive equivalent, on the other hand, represents the deliberate attempt of one unit to diminish or outright destroy the aforementioned, highly prized attributes of another. Secondly, it is important to remember that although a universal peace specifically implies the system-wide preponderance of both negative and positive peace elements, its possible termination, meanwhile, does not necessarily require the occurrence of universal war on a global scale¿at least not initially. For even though the sudden outbreak of total systemic warfare would undoubtedly shatter world peace all by itself, its fragile composition might already become endangered by developments involving far less devastating and cataclysmic convulsions. History after all is rife with examples where the actual sources of transnational conflict are not just to be found in the eventual military clash of antagonists following a blatant breach of the peace by one of them.

Essay from the year 2015 in the subject Politics - International Politics - General and Theories, , language: English, abstract: This essay presents arguments for and against Europe's handling of the refugee crisis. Both morality and historical experience require nothing less of us than rendering refugees our full and unrelenting assistance in the most trying stage of their lives. Just as important, however, failure to help them while we still can might also entail dire long-term consequences for our own long-term safety and security, notably by presenting Islamic extremists with the very means, mindsets and social environments necessary for waging war against us on a trans-national scale. Accordingly, this is the time for all of us¿citizens and politicians alike¿to rise up in a common effort to the arguably most daunting and formidable challenge facing Europe in this day and age. This is the time for giving back to other fellow human beings in need of our support just a little bit of that relative comfort, security and ease which we ourselves have been enjoying for so long now and which we all too often take for granted as being but our own god-given birthright or prerogative. This is the time to realize that most of the people now seeking shelter and refuge with us from the anguish and unimaginable horrors in their native countries have no intention whatsoever to forcibly wrest away our economic privileges, nor to undercut our established values and modes of living. That instead they merely wish to share in the same basic human rights we all hold so dear¿peace, stability and, above all, freedom from fear, want and persecution. And, finally, this is also the time to link the current refugee crisis more closely to distinct geopolitical issues and concerns, notably by more systematically considering the wider strategic setbacks likely to be incurred in the event that national leaders prove unable to devise applicable solutions to the real human suffering endemic to this harrowing tragedy.

Throughout human history there may hardly be found any other single decision that still causes such high amounts of scholarly debate as does the dropping of Atomic Bombs upon the Japanese city of Hiroshima in August 6th 1945, and respectively, three days later upon the city of Nagasaki. These events have caused close to 100 000 casualties in the civilian population, and yet, it does not include all of those persons who would later succumb to radiation sickness or severe birth deformations. Historians still debate the alleged plurality of motives underlying this momentous decision. The debate's result is a polarized scholarly discord which by now virtually abounds in a multitude of different theories, and competing suppositions. On the one hand, there are those scholars who argue that the decision rested solely on grounds of military expediency, foremost on the necessity to shorten a gruelling war, and to save the lives of American soldiers. On the other hand, historians offer the explanation that American policy makers above all wanted to exhibit their country's enormous military potency, and therefore, Hiroshima and Nagasaki should demonstrate the vast destructive potential which presently solely the United States had at its command, and so, counter post-war ambitions of the Soviet Union. The author of this study analyses the contextual circumstances in the spring and summer of 1945, and moreover, the principal motives of the key American government officials. Accordingly, the author offers his own substantive and conclusive answer to the question that concerns the primary factors and/or ostensibly ulterior motives that led American decision makers to issue the consequential order to detonate Atomic Bombs over Hiroshima and Nagasaki. First and foremost, the findings rest upon a critical and comprehensive engagement, and are based on the available documentary evidence from this time.

Seminar paper from the year 2011 in the subject History of Europe - Modern Times, Absolutism, Industrialization, grade: 1,7, University of Luxembourg, language: English, abstract: In early modern Europe, there were arguably few other events of such far-reaching significance and with ultimately such cataclysmic and lasting consequences than the Reformation movement started by Martin Luther. With all the individual and idiosyncratic forms the different protestant denominations were to assume in the following years, they certainly often stood at the centre of events and developments which were to have profound political, religious and social repercussions upon the overall course of early European history, lasting for many decades while plunging large parts of the continent into a long period of internal unrest and cross-national conflicts . Beyond any doubt the reformation imprinted itself upon the lives and works of people throughout various countries and affected the decision-making of entire states in substantial ways, changing forever the face of not only Europe, but even of the entire world through movements eventually spreading all over the globe . In hindsight it may therefore be all too enticing to assume that there simply hadn't been any other possible scenario than for Protestantism to develop the viral power with which it ultimately was to sweep over societies at the time; and that in fact the mere promise and novel nature of its diverging spiritual teachings and religious views from established Catholic doctrines offered by its various proponents alone had sufficed to gain such permanent and widespread a foothold as it ultimately did. Yet to show that it was as well a variety of additional factors - above all pertaining to the power- and geopolitical realm¿ that ultimately made possible for such irreversible an establishment and rapid diffusion of the Protestant movement will be the principal aim of this essay.

The question of whether states pursue absolute or relative gains has divided neo-realism and neo-liberalism for quite some time now. Thus whereas neo-realists contend that states seek comparative advantages relative to others, neo-liberal scholars argue that they are primarily interested in absolute individual gains. In applying social-constructivist ideas, however, this book will demonstrate that such a preference for relative or absolute gains is not naturally predetermined, but inextricably linked to the continual 're-construction' of states' national identities and interests. By analyzing the Truman Administration's decision for using nuclear weapons against Hiroshima and Nagasaki, this case study will show that American leaders were much more preoccupied with achieving absolute rather than relative gains. Such absolute considerations were influenced by the pressures of an anarchic self-help system, specific domestic imperatives and the personal views of individual policy-makers who believed that only swift socio-economic recovery and the creation of a more peaceful security environment would ultimately ensure their country's long-term international position.

Seminar paper from the year 2010 in the subject History of Germany - Postwar Period, Cold War, grade: 2,0, University of Luxembourg, language: English, abstract: The following essay aims at depicting the European continent in the way it emerged from the ruins of he Second World War and how it presented itself in the immediate years thereafter. In a first step it will be shown how exactly the victorious powers of the war, namely the United States and the Soviet Union, set about re-shaping the continent along ideological, cultural and political lines. Secondly, the many efforts conducted in order to solve the continent's vastly economic problems will also be depicted. Finally it will be outlined in what manner these and other decisions can ultimately be perceived as the foundations of institutions which eventually led to the European integration process.

Studienarbeit aus dem Jahr 2013 im Fachbereich Geschichte Europa - and. Länder - Europa ab kaltem Krieg, Note: 2,3, Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität Bonn, Sprache: Deutsch, Abstract: Die Kuba-Krise im Oktober 1962 wurde wiederholt sowohl von zeitgenössischen Politikern als auch von verschiedenen Historikern als der vermeintlich gefährlichste Moment des gesamten Kalten Krieges, ja vielleicht sogar der gesamten Menschheitsgeschichte an sich, bezeichnet. Grundsätzlich trifft es zweifelsohne zu, dass Auseinandersetzungen, bei denen der Gebrauch oder doch wenigstens die Androhung eines Einsatzes von Atomwaffen zumindest eine theoretische Handlungsoption darstellen, stets auch immer einer gewissen, mehr oder weniger stark ausgeprägten Gefahr nicht entbehren können. Nichtsdestotrotz wäre es jedoch übereilt, die alleinige Existenz von Nuklearwaffen beziehungsweise eine wenn auch nur ansatzweise vorhandene Bereitschaft selbige unter bestimmten Umständen zu gebrauchen, mit der Annahme gleichzusetzen, dass sich daraus zwangsläufig auch ein bis zum Äußersten gesteigertes Risiko zur atomaren Kriegsführung, geschweige denn zur gegenseitigen Vernichtung ergibt. Dementsprechend wäre es auch verkehrt, die Kuba-Krise einzig und allein aufgrund ihres Charakters einer vermeintlich unmittelbar bevorstehenden, direkten Konfrontation zweier atomarer Supermächte dahingehend zu interpretieren, als dass die Möglichkeit eines real stattfindenden Schlagabtausches zwischen den USA und der UDSSR stets nur einen einzigen, sinnbildmäßigen Knopfdruck entfernt gewesen wäre. Vielmehr ist es im Rückblick geboten, zwischen verschiedenen Ebenen einer solch vorgeblichen Kriegsgefahr zu unterscheiden.

Master's Thesis from the year 2014 in the subject Politics - International Politics - General and Theories, grade: 80/100, University of Leicester (Department of Politics and International Relations), course: International Relations, language: English, abstract: The question of whether states pursue absolute or relative gains in international politics has divided neo-realism and neo-liberalism for quite some time now. Thus whereas neo-realists contend that states seek comparative advantages relative to other actors, neo-liberal scholars argue that they are primarily interested in the accomplishment of absolute individual gains. In applying social-constructivist ideas, however, this paper will attempt to demonstrate that such a preference for relative or absolute gains is not naturally predetermined, but inextricably linked to the continual 're-construction' of states' national identities and interests. In other words, it is political actors' own conception and definition of international relations which ultimately determines their concern for absolute or relative gains. By analyzing the decision-making process of the Truman Administration for using nuclear weapons against the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August 1945, this case study will show that American leaders were altogether much more preoccupied with achieving absolute rather than relative gains. Such absolute considerations were simultaneously influenced by the pressures of an anarchic self-help system as well as by specific domestic imperatives and the personal views of individual policy-makers on how to best handle international problems and exigencies. More concretely, American decision-makers believed that only the realization of absolute gains such as swift socio-economic recovery and the creation of a more stable and peaceful security environment would ultimately ensure their country's long-term international position in both absolute and relative terms.

Essay from the year 2013 in the subject Politics - International Politics - General and Theories, grade: 80/100, University of Leicester, language: English, abstract: Peace and international cooperation may not be sustained on a permanent basis simply by virtue of the illusory belief that states will invariably seek to preserve these ideals merely because they allegedly benefit the international community as a whole. Neither will their presumed adherence to a superior code of morality ultimately suffice on its own to protect the international order from major disruptions caused by the actions of one of its constituent sub-units. As E.H. Carr remarked, ethical standards cannot exist independent of politics, in particular not without setting them in proper relation to the less abstract determinants in international relations, notably power. It was such a separation of power from morality which led politicians of the inter-war period to believe that international cooperation could be perpetuated solely through the establishment of institutions designed to resolve inter-state disputes within an international society whose members supposedly all shared the same goals, even though in reality they clearly didn¿t.Still, as Carr acknowledged, attempts to root moral ideals within the international order need not necessarily suffer the same fate they did in the run-up to World War II. Importantly, however, one must first become alive to the highly sensitive constellation of power and morality ultimately required to prevent the international system from giving rise to such forces as might before long prove a potential source of its own instability.

Essay from the year 2014 in the subject Politics - General and Theories of International Politics, grade: 71/100, University of Leicester, language: English, abstract: The "Responsibility to Protect"-Doctrine (R2P) is not as much an obstacle to ending human suffering in war-torn countries as its detractors maintain. Originally conceived as a UN-sponsored attempt to provide the international community with a more efficient instrument for preventing or halting mass violence and human rights violations, it was hoped that R2P would overcome the controversies frequently associated with humanitarian interventions. Yet ever since its conception, R2P has likewise met with extensive criticism in regard to some of its key tenets. In particular it is argued that a potential military intervention in governments' internal affairs not only constitutes an encroachment upon state sovereignty, but also merely serves as a pretext of stronger states to impose their will upon weaker ones.