Bücher von Zeev Sternhell

"Es gibt in unserem politischen Vokabular nur wenige Begriffe, die sich einer solch umfassenden Beliebtheit wie das Wort Faschismus erfreuen, ebenso aber gibt es nicht viele Konzepte im politischen Vokabular der Gegenwart, die gleichzeitig derart verschwommen und unpräzise umrissen sind." Mit diesem Satz leitete der bedeutende israelische Historiker Zeev Sternhell 1976 seinen Aufsatz "Faschistische Ideologie" ein. Dieser Satz gilt bis heute - insbesondere für Deutschland. Daher nimmt Sternhell in dieser Einführung (nun in einer Neuausgabe vorliegt) eine genaue Bestimmung des Begriffes Faschismus aus seiner historischen und ideologischen Entwicklung heraus vor.

Asserts that fascism was an important part of the mainstream of European history, not just a temporary development in Germany and Italy but a significant aspect of French culture as well.

The author argues that the fascism possessed a coherent ideology with deep roots in European civilization. Long before fascism became a political force, he maintains, it was a major cultural phenomenon.

The well-known historian and political scientist Zeev Sternhell here advances a radically new interpretation of the founding of modern Israel. The founders claimed that they intended to create both a landed state for the Jewish people and a socialist society. However, according to Sternhell, socialism served the leaders of the influential labor movement more as a rhetorical resource for the legitimation of the national project of establishing a Jewish state than as a blueprint for a just society. In this thought-provoking book, Sternhell demonstrates how socialist principles were consistently subverted in practice by the nationalist goals to which socialist Zionism was committed. Sternhell explains how the avowedly socialist leaders of the dominant labor party, Mapai, especially David Ben Gurion and Berl Katznelson, never really believed in the prospects of realizing the "e;dream"e; of a new society, even though many of their working-class supporters were self-identified socialists. The founders of the state understood, from the very beginning, that not only socialism but also other universalistic ideologies like liberalism, were incompatible with cultural, historical, and territorial nationalism. Because nationalism took precedence over universal values, argues Sternhell, Israel has not evolved a constitution or a Bill of Rights, has not moved to separate state and religion, has failed to develop a liberal concept of citizenship, and, until the Oslo accords of 1993, did not recognize the rights of the Palestinians to independence. This is a controversial and timely book, which not only provides useful historical background to Israel's ongoing struggle to mobilize its citizenry to support a shared vision of nationhood, but also raises a question of general significance: is a national movement whose aim is a political and cultural revolution capable of coexisting with the universal values of secularism, individualism, and social justice? This bold critical reevaluation will unsettle long-standing myths as it contributes to a fresh new historiography of Zionism and Israel. At the same time, while it examines the past, The Founding Myths of Israel reflects profoundly on the future of the Jewish State.