Krieg

Hollywood Remembrance and American War addresses the synergy between Hollywood war films and American forms of war remembrance. Subjecting the notion that war films ought to be considered ¿the war memorials of today' to critical scrutiny, the book develops a theoretical understanding of how Hollywood war films, as rhetorical sites of remembering and memory, reflect, replicate and resist American modes of remembrance.The authors first develop the framework for, and elaborate on, the co-evolution of Hollywood war cinema and American war memorialization in the historical, political and ideological terms of remembrance, and the parallel synergic relationship between the aesthetic and industrial status of Hollywood war cinema and the remembering of American war on film. The chapters then move to analysis of Hollywood war films - covering The Great War, World War II, The Korean War, The Vietnam War, The Cold War, and the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq - and critically scrutinize the terms upon which a film could be considered a memorial to the war it represents.Bringing together the fields of film studies and memory studies, this book will be of interest to scholars and students in not just these areas but those in the fields of history, media and cultural studies more broadly, too.

This volume explores the enigmatic primary source known as the ancient military manual. In particular, the volume explores the extent to which these diverse texts constitute a genre (sometimes unsatisfactorily classified as 'technical literature'), and the degree to which they reflect the practice of warfare.With contributions from a diverse group of scholars, the chapters examine military manuals from early Archaic Greece to the Byzantine period, covering a wide range of topics including readership, siege warfare, mercenaries, defeat, textual history, and religion. Coverage includes most of the major contemporary siege manual writers, including Xenophon, Frontinus, Vegetius, and Maurice. Close examination of these texts serves to reveals the complex ways in which ancient Greeks, Romans, and Byzantines sought to understand better, and impose order upon, the seemingly irrational phenomenon known as war.Providing insight into the multifaceted collection of texts that constituted military manuals, this volume is a key resource for students and scholars of warfare and military literature in the classical and Byzantine periods.

This edited volume analyses European socialist countries' strategy of engagement with the West and the European Economic Community in the long 1970s.The book focuses on a time when the socialist regimes of Central and Eastern Europe banked their hopes for prosperity and stability on enhanced relations with the West. Crossing the traditional differences among diverse fields of historiography, it assesses the complex influence of European and global processes of transformation on the socialist elites' reading of the international political and economic environment and their consequent decision-making. The volume also explores the debate in each country among and within the elites involved in policymaking as they elaborated this strategic view and coped with shortcomings and unexpected turns. A comparative analysis of national cases shows a shared logic and common patterns, together with national variations and a plurality of views on the desirability of exchanges with their capitalist neighbours and on the ways to promote them. The multinational coverage of seven countries makes this volume a starting point for anyone interested in each socialist state's foreign policy, intra-bloc relations, economic strategy, transformation and collapse, relations with the European Community and access to the EU.This book will be of much interest to students and researchers of Cold War Studies, European history, and International Relations.The Open Access version of this book, available at https://www.routledge.com/European-Socialist-Regimes-Fateful-Engagement-with-the-West-National-Strategies/Romano-Romero/p/book/9780367356170, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 4.0 license.

'The Duke is a soldier - a bad education for a statesmen in a free country'. Sir Walter Scott's fear of the political soldier has long been part of Western political life. Yet although many countries would have preferred to keep the military out of politics few have been successful.Originally published in 1976, this book examines the careers of five distinguished twentieth century soldiers and assesses their contribution as statesmen. Hindenburg, Byng, Franco, Eisenhower and De Gaulle all came into political life in different circumstances, but none did so in the name of the profession or to establish a praetorian state. Each was a professional soldier who found himself drawn into the political arena. Each of these essays illuminates one aspect of the range of political, sociological and historical issues which now surround the interrelationship of civil and military. At a time when the tensions of democracy, both internally and externally, impose increasing pressure on the role of the military in society it is important to study the history of soldiers-as-statesmen.

Unmittelbar nach der nationalsozialistischen Machtergreifung setzte eine umfassende gesellschaftliche, juristische und existentielle Ausgrenzung jüdischer Akteure ein. Dem Zerbrechen bisheriger Welt- und Normverständnisse zu begegnen wurde zu einer existentiellen Herausforderung sowie zu einem notwendigen Bedürfnis. Eine wichtige Strategie war der Einsatz von Humor und Ironie; auch für die Menschen des Gettos Litzmannstadt. Aus texthermeneutischer, kulturlinguistischer und sprachphilosophischer Perspektive erfasst Friedrich Markewitz - unter Berücksichtigung des Gettos als Diskursraum und dessen Textsortenwelt - Verwendungsweisen und -funktionen von Ironie und perspektiviert sie, um so einen Beitrag zur linguistischen Aufarbeitung der Kommunikation jüdischer Akteure während der Shoa zu leisten.Immediately after the National Socialist seizure of power, a comprehensive social, legal and existential exclusion of Jewish actors began. Countering the shattering of previous understandings of the world and its norms became an existential challenge as well as a necessary need. An important strategy was the use of humor and irony; also for the people of the Litzmannstadt ghetto. From a text-hermeneutic, cultural-linguistic and linguistic-philosophical perspective, taking into account the ghetto as a discourse space and its use of text types, ways of using irony will be analyzed and put into perspective in order to contribute to the linguistic reappraisal of the communication of Jewish actors during the Shoa.

Spätestens der 100. Jahrestag des Endes des Ersten Weltkriegs im Jahr 2018 hat die Erinnerung an die Urkatastrophe des 20. Jahrhunderts wieder in den Blick der Öffentlichkeit gerückt. Auffällig ist dabei, dass sich die Erinnerungskulturen in den am Krieg beteiligten Ländern teils deutlich unterscheiden. Während in Deutschland der Erste Weltkrieg erst im Vorfeld des 100. Jahrestages des Kriegsausbruchs wieder an Aufmerksamkeit gewonnen hat, stand er in Australien das ganze 20. Jahrhundert hindurch im Zentrum nationaler Narrative. Der Band versucht sich an einer Rekonstruktion und Analyse der Art und Weise, wie sich Deutschland und Australien an den Ersten Weltkrieg erinnern. Er untersucht die verschiedenen mentalitätsgeschichtlichen Perspektiven auf den Krieg und insbesondere auch die Rollen, die die verschiedenen kulturellen Medien bei der Ausbildung von Erinnerungskulturen gespielt haben und aktuell immer noch spielen.The 100th anniversary of the end of the First World War in 2018 has brought the memory of the seminal catastrophe of the 20th century back into the public eye. It is striking that the cultures of remembrance regarding the war differ greatly from one nation to another. While in Germany the First World War only gained renewed attention in the run-up to the centenary of the outbreak of the war, in Australia it was at the center of national narratives throughout the 20th century. This volume attempts a reconstruction and analysis of the ways in which Germany and Australia remember the First World War. It examines the various perspectives on the war with a focus on the roles that different media have played and continue to play in the formation of cultures of remembrance.

Um 1900 entstand in Deutschland ein erstes Bewusstsein für die Schattenseiten des industriellen Fortschritts: Die Jugend- und Wandervogelbewegung begehrten gegen "Naturfrevel" und krankmachende Lebensbedingungen auf. Vegetarier, Naturfreunde, idealistische Siedler, Reformpädagogen, Alkoholgegner, Licht-, Luft- und Sonnenanbeter sowie Anhänger von Kleiderreform und Naturheilkunde machten sich für eine umfassende Lebensreform stark, die alternativ-utopische Lebensmodelle, ein anderes Naturverständnis und ein neues Körperbewusstsein umfasste. Im Südwesten war die Lebensreformbewegung besonders rührig. In zahlreichen Vereinen, Bünden, Verlagen, Zeitschriften, Reformhäusern, Naturheilsanatorien, alkoholfreien Cafés, vegetarischen Speisehäusern, Versuchsschulen und Aussteigersiedlungen wurde neue Ideen erprobt, die auf ganz Deutschland ausstrahlten.Christoph Wagner zeichnet die Geschichte dieser ersten Ökos im Südwesten in ihrer ganzen Vielfalt nach, wobei auch die düsteren Seiten (Irrationalismus, Rassenlehre, Antisemitismus) nicht ausgespart bleiben.

When it comes to the bomb, what we don't know could kill us. Written for ordinary readers by a concerned American citizen, American Nuclear Deception shows how the history of the bomb impacts current nuclear policy. This fresh evidence is seen through the surprising lens of the Port Chicago nuclear explosion theory (PCnet). The controversial theory, introduced in The Black Scholar (Spring 1982), was denied by the U.S. government; "dissed" by traditional historians; distorted by sensational conspiracy theorists; and deleted from Wikipedia -- all without benefit of an official investigation. Peter Vogel researched his theory for 35 years, but in December 2018 the senior scholar shut down his website, withdrawing his singular ebook, The Last Wave from Port Chicago. This book updates the PCnet, exposing the vital, documented connection between the Manhattan Project and the unexplained explosion that destroyed two ships at the Port Chicago Naval Ammunition Depot near San Francisco on July 17, 1944, killing 320 Americans. According to a local newspaper, most victims were 'atomized'. The unprecedented blast is still listed as one of the largest non-nuclear explosions in history; but the greatest home-front disaster of World War II was upstaged by the mass mutiny trial of "the Port Chicago 50": why? A Naval board ruled that the cause could never be determined -- but one of the three men on the board, Capt John Crenshaw, was related to Capt William S. Parsons, the man responsible for producing the bomb. Crenshaw was with Parsons on July 20, 1944, when he led his research team to Port Chicago to study "the effects of the detonation." A large body of wide-ranging new evidence supports the PCnet, overcoming opinion-based objections. Readers will learnWhy it matters that Albert Einstein did not actually write the famous letter to FDR. Why FDR flipflopped on integrating the Navy after authorizing the top-secret bomb project.How Einstein's work on torpedo design as a Navy consultant in 1943 may have supported Parsons' quest for an atomic torpedo.A secret reason for FDR's secret trip to the West Coast during the 1944 Democratic National Convention;Why FDR's flagship was in the Port Chicago area on the day of the explosion;Why a false press release about an explosion at an ammunition depot was used to cover up the famous Trinity test.How the Port Chicago explosion led to the Trinity test, the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Operation Crossroads, the Nevada Proving Ground . . . and current nuclear policy Experts acknowledge that false assumptions have left many questions about the bomb unanswered. Instead of Truman's decision to use the bomb, the PCnet highlights FDR's single-handed decision to create the world-changing weapon. In the end, Readers decide: The Port Chicago disaster -- was it a nuclear explosion? The Department of Defense said: ". . . ridiculous." The Navy History and Heritage Command says "hogwash." The Port Chicago National Memorial says "unlikely." In 1993, two historians, Lawrence Badash and Richard G. Hewlett, called Vogel's original article "A Story Too Good to Kill". But American Nuclear Deception shows why the Port Chicago nuclear explosion theory is too important to ignore.

Propaganda, also der Versuch der gezielten Beeinflussung unseres Denkens, Fühlens und Handelns, ist heute allgegenwärtig: in der Werbung offenkundig, raffinierter dagegen in der Politik und in den Medien. Das Repertoire an Methoden ist enorm, die Meinungslenkung als solche bei vielen Formen aber nur schwer zu entlarven. Doch nur wer Propaganda durchschaut, kann sich ihrer Wirkmacht entziehen.Das vorliegende Werk ist wohl die derzeit vollständigste Sammlung an relevanten Methoden und Werkzeugen. Erhellend für Neulinge, profundes Nachschlagewerk für Kenner. Denn oft sind gerade diejenigen am gefährdetsten, die meinen alle Tricks zu kennen.Im Buch werden die verschiedenen Instrumente logisch aufeinander aufbauend vorgestellt. Neben bekannteren wie etwa der Zensur, der Scheindebatte, dem Framing und psychologischen Kniffen wie der kognitiven Dissonanz oder der Kontaktschuld sind im Buch auch Techniken enthalten, die bis dato nicht einmal einen Namen trugen.Aufgrund seines kompakten Formats auch für unterwegs geeignet.

Der Krieg in der Ukraine hat alle Hoffnung zerstört, dass Europa keine bewaffneten Konflikte mehr erlebt. Wieder, wie nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg und nach dem Fall des Eisernen Vorhangs, muss eine neue Friedensordnung gefunden werden. Dazu muss über die aktuelle militärische Lage im Ukrainekrieg hinaus gedacht werden. Die Autoren dieses Buches eint die Sorge um eine Verkürzung der aktuellen Debatten auf die militärische Logik und gleichzeitig eine falsche Moralisierung der Außenpolitik. Sie eröffnen unterschiedliche Perspektiven für eine neue Realpolitik, in der die Interessen der Ukraine berücksichtigt und zugleich die Chancen für stabile Sicherheit und Frieden ausgelotet werden. Fundierte Debattenbeiträge renommierter Experten aus unterschiedlichen Disziplinen und mit unterschiedlichen Einstellungen, die dringend gebraucht werden.