Politik

Climate is generally thought as an uncontrollable factor, and this book provides an understanding of the agroclimatic system and its influences on the failure or success of agricultural development activities; looking at misunderstandings and the value of research into this area.

"To restore the beauty of holiness to the face of the Bride of Christ, which is terribly disfigured by so many abominable crimes, and if we truly want to free the Church from the fetid swamp into which she has fallen, we must have the courage to tear down the culture of secrecy and publicly confess the truths we have kept hidden." These bold words from the pen of an archbishop in exile-part of a bombshell exposé published in August 2018 concerning Theodore McCarrick and his circle-catapulted the ecclesiastical diplomat Carlo Maria Viganò to international prominence. In a steady stream of interventions from that time onward, Archbishop Viganò has not only supplied further incriminating details on the current Vatican regime but has extended his critique to the neo-modernism and worldly accommodation that officially entered the Church through the Second Vatican Council. He argues, moreover, that just as there is a "deep state" of wealthy and powerful international elites who exercise enormous sway over political affairs and cultural vectors, so too there is a "deep church" that retains for its advantage the external trappings of religion while pursuing an agenda of error and moral corruption. These pseudo-sovereignties closely collaborate as they work for the same goals, which are, at this point, an open secret. A Voice in the Wilderness collects for the first time all the major writings of Archbishop Viganò from August 2018 to January 2021, with explanatory introductions and notes by Brian M. McCall. Finally available in one place to allow for easy access, assimilation, and debate, it is the definitive edition of an extraordinary body of pronouncements that have stirred up vehement controversy on all sides. Regardless where one stands in its regard, Viganò's arresting message cannot be ignored. Ultimately, it is one of conversion to Christ the King, the Truth in person, who sets us free from the accumulating slaveries of our time.

This study looks at the interpretations and effects of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and offers readings of its possible future effects.

This book explores the strategic influence campaigns deployed by Iran to support and export their culture of resistance.

No historical figure is more synonymous with establishing American democracy than Thomas Jefferson. Revolutionary, iconoclastic, yet pragmatic, the legacy of Jefferson as an intellectual and politician continues to reverberate across academic and public circles. However, Jefferson's writings on power, authority, and politics point to a different understanding of self-government than dominant liberal and republican interpretations suggest. Dean Caivano's interpretation of Jefferson's political, anthropological, and sociological meditations on power reveals an unknown Jefferson, who conceives the American nation-state as a network of dynamic autonomous communities enacted by a politics of all. Caivano pointedly argues that this unknown Jefferson fittingly aligns with historical and contemporary projects of radical democracy, stressing the need for constant resistance, inquiry, and dialogue. In a period, fraught with political division and hyper-partisanship, this timely, innovative reading of Jefferson invites a reappraisal of how we understand a vital founder of the American republic and what is at stake in the battle to save American democracy.

Fields of Fire: Emancipation and Resistance in Colombia identifies the concept of the emancipatory network as a coordination of loose, discrete, and differentiated actors to explain how activists successfully practice high-risk activism. Illustrating that previous studies on high-risk activism come to contradictory conclusions, Fields of Fire argues that networks rather than individual characteristics are associated with mobilization. This book features unique ethnographic material of a Colombian sugarcane worker strike, interviews with workers and human rights activists in Valle del Cauca and Bogotá reveal different forms of knowledge that activists bring to a social movement. Esparza argues that the combination of these different forms of knowledge bolsters the movement's resiliency in the face of repression.

The U.S. Supreme Court is as important as ever in the lives of Americans. Contrary to the image-enhancing claims of independence that many of its members claim, however, the Court's current supermajority has transformed it into a powerful political institution that wages ideological war meant to return the nation to a previous period, at the same time denying rights to millions. The "Stench" of Politics: Polarization and Worldview on the Supreme Court opens a window into the Supreme Court that helps us to understand the institution and its rulings.At the heart of this analysis is worldview, a phenomenon that every person, including Supreme Court justices, possesses. Whether someone's worldview is "fixed" or "fluid" affects who they are, what they believe and what they do. In addition, interpreting the Constitution as an "originalist" or "living constitutionalist" often dictates case outcomes. By applying these and other constructs to the Supreme Court, the book reveals how the once-revered institution has evolved into one whose majority not only has neglected its commitment to the inscription on its own building, "Equal Justice Under Law," but is also determined to remake both the law and the nation.

We live in the wealthiest and most heavily defended world in history, so why do we feel so insecure? In a secular world, what does Christian theology have to say about this problem? Security after Christendom combines practical examples, social scientific research, and an ecumenical approach to political theology to answer these questions. It argues that Christendom was a plural phenomenon of imagined security communities of East and West whose unravelling continues to have implications for global politics today, as dramatically illustrated by Russia's war in Ukraine. While notions of a new Christendom are idolatrous and delusional, secular imaginaries of national security or the liberal international order are both destructive and unstable. True security--radical inclusion, nonviolent protection, and abundant provision--is an eschatological phenomenon, inaugurated by Christ. Security after Christendom is neither found in faithful government nor an exclusive church-as-polis approach but in relations of tension where the fallen powers are continuously confronted by prophetic practices. A post-Christendom community expresses its love for the world by seeking its security, providentially limiting the disorders of the secular age, and offering glimmers of a new earth.

This book analyses the international phenomenon of private peace entrepreneurs. These are private citizens with no official authority who initiate channels of communication with official representatives from the other side of a conflict in order to promote a conflict resolution process. It combines theoretical discussion with historical analysis, examining four cases from different conflicts: Norman Cousins and Suzanne Massie in the Cold War, Brendan Duddy in the Northern Ireland conflict and Uri Avnery in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The book defines the phenomenon, examines the resources and activities of private peace entrepreneurs and their impact on the official diplomacy, and examines the conditions under which they can play an effective role in peace-making processes.This book is relevant to United Nations Sustainable Development Goal 16, Peace, justice and strong institutions.

This book fills the long-standing void in the existing scholarship by constructing an empirical study of colonial governance and political culture in Hong Kong from 1966 to 1997.Using under-exploited archival and unofficial data in London and Hong Kong, it overcomes the limitations in the existing literature which has been written mainly by political scientists and sociologists, and has been primarily theoretically driven. It addresses a highly contested and timely agenda, one in which colonial historians have made major interventions: the nature of colonial governance and autonomy of the colonial polity. This book focusing on colonialism and the Chinese society in Hong Kong in a pivotal period will generate meaningful discussions and heated debates on comparisons between 'colonialism' in different space and time: between Hong Kong and other former British colonies; and between colonial and post-colonial Hong Kong.

In 1991, Peggy Adler, author of Trilogy: Three True Stories of Scoundrels and Schemers, was retained by self-proclaimed CIA agent, arms dealer and money launderer, Richard Brenneke, to co-author his autobiography. She soon discovered evidence in his files contradicting claims regarding his presence at October Surprise conspiracy meetings and went on to out Brenneke as a con artist in a February 1992 article in the Village Voice. Adler then researched a series of additional articles for the "Voice", which went on to prove that the so-called "October Surprise" was a hoax. In mid-1992, upon learning that the United States House of Representatives had created a Task Force to Investigate Certain Allegations Concerning the Holding of American Hostages by Iran in 1980, which would be investigating whether or not there actually had been an "October Surprise", she turned over to them the seventy cartons of documents she'd hauled east from Brenneke's home in Portland, Oregon, in order to write his memoirs. Subsequently, she worked as a consultant to the Task Force and assisted in drafting and editing the Brenneke section of their final report. Chapter one of this book recounts the Brenneke story, from 1973 forward, including her own odyssey with this scoundrel. Chapter two reveals how Oliver North and Richard Secord's Iran-Contra pal, Albert Hakim, was well aware that it was possible to get money out of a Swiss bank account without ever being a signatory - for he'd facilitated just that, years before. And Chapter three traces Roger Ailes relationship to the Willie Horton commercial that helped sink George Dukakis' hope for the presidency. Additionally, the book is laden with all the necessary documentation to back up what Adler has written.

Socialisme Utopique et Socialisme Scientifique" est un ouvrage de Friedrich Engels, co-fondateur du socialisme scientifique avec Karl Marx. Dans ce texte, Engels critique les différentes formes de socialisme utopique de son époque tout en exposant les principes du socialisme scientifique, également appelé le matérialisme historique. Engels analyse les limites des approches utopiques, mettant en avant la nécessité de fonder le socialisme sur une base scientifique, en s'appuyant sur une compréhension matérialiste de l'histoire et des forces sociales. L'oeuvre souligne l'importance de comprendre les lois objectives qui régissent le développement social pour parvenir à une transformation révolutionnaire de la société.

" J'ai cherché dans mes précédentes études la place que la femme a occupée dans les sociétés qui ont laissé leur influence sur notre civilisation. Je termine aujourd'hui mon travail par un ouvrage qui a pour objet la condition de la femme française dans les temps modernes. Les quatre premiers chapitres de ce livre disent ce qu'a été la femme dans la vie domestique, intellectuelle, sociale et politique de notre pays, depuis le XVIe siècle jusqu'au XVIIIe inclusivement. En pénétrant dans les vieux foyers français je m'applique surtout à retrouver les principes sur lesquels repose la famille. Dans cette partie de mon oeuvre, j'interroge les personnes qui ont vécu dans ces trois siècles, je recueille leurs témoignages, ces témoignages que nous livrent particulièrement les mémoires domestiques, les correspondances privées, tous les documents intimes auxquels notre époque attache justement un si grand prix. Pour étudier la part qu'a eue la femme dans notre vie littéraire et artistique, je ne me suis arrêtée qu'aux modèles qui représentent vraiment une influence. Je m'y suis longuement attardée, comme le voyageur qui, après avoir rapidement traversé les plaines, s'arrête aux cimes des montagnes. Quant au rôle historique des femmes françaises, je n'y ai cherché que les éléments de ce problème très actuel: Dans notre pays, la femme est-elle apte à la vie politique ?"

These are the memories of Jackie and Roger Bunyan who spent from 1976 until 1978 on the small atoll island of Beru in the Pacific Ocean. The first section of the book tells the story of this newly married couple when they worked for Voluntary Service Overseas. Barely in their twenties, they worked in an outer island boarding school teaching a variety of subjects to local pupils. The book describes the many delights and also the challenges during their time on the island. Over their two years, the couple developed an affection for these unique islands and their inhabitants. The second part of this book leaps forward four decades after leaving. It outlines the threat that rising tides are having on the island of Beru along with the other islands of Kiribati. Of the 33 islands of this Pacific nation, only one island stands more than two or three metres above the ever rising water! With global warming creating higher and higher tides, what is the future for Kiribati?

"A quite thorough and impressive work, not only a compelling defense of materialism but also a fair-minded if highly critical engagement with cultural theory. It isn't clear how culturalists--especially the anti-Marxist ones--can effectively respond to this broadside, tightly and cogently argued as it is."--Chris Wright, CounterPunch "Chibber...has developed a sophisticated, elegant, and readable defense of the sociological significance of class structure in understanding and addressing the key problems inherent in capitalism."--Choice "[A] clear, compelling, and systematic statement of the view that class is an objective reality that predictably and rationally shapes human thought and action, one we need to grapple with seriously if we're to comprehend contemporary society and its morbid symptoms."--Jacobin Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, theorists argued that social and economic life is reducible to culture--that our choices reflect interpretations of the world around us rather than the limitations imposed by basic material facts. Today, gross inequalities in wealth and power have pushed scholars to reopen materialist lines of inquiry. But it would be a mistake to pretend that the cultural turn never happened. Vivek Chibber instead engages cultural theory seriously, proposing a fusion of materialism and the most useful insights of its rival. Chibber accommodates the main arguments from the cultural turn within a robust materialist framework, showing how one can agree that the making of meaning plays an important role in social agency while still recognizing the fundamental power of class structure and class formation. He vindicates classical materialism by demonstrating that it accounts for phenomena cultural theorists thought it was powerless to explain, while also explaining that aspects of class are indeed centrally affected by cultural factors. The Class Matrix does not seek to displace culture from the analysis of modern capitalism. Rather, in prose of exemplary clarity, Chibber gives culture its due alongside what Marx called "the dull compulsion of economic relations."

The global pandemic has offered extraordinary opportunities for extremists and terrorists to mobilize themselves and revive as more powerful actors in the security landscape. But could these threat groups actually capitalize on the coronavirus crisis and advance their malevolent agendas? Utilizing the largest COVID-19-related terrorism database, the book presents an analysis built upon a quantitative and qualitative comparison between the nature of both the radical Islamist and the far-right-related threat in 2018 and 2020. It provides, for the first time, a true picture of novel trends since the pandemic outbreak.

Effective visual communication has become an essential strategy for grassroots political activists, who use images to publicly express resistance and make their claims visible in the struggle for political power. However, this "aesthetics of resistance" is also employed by political and economic elites for their own purposes, making it increasingly difficult to distinguish from the "aesthetics of rule." Through illuminating case studies of street art in Buenos Aires, Bogotá, Caracas, and Mexico City, The Aesthetics of Rule and Resistance explores the visual strategies of persuasion and meaning-making employed by both rulers and resisters to foster self-legitimization, identification, and mobilization.

El Programa de Desarrollo Socioeconómico de la República de Bielorrusia para 2021-2025 establece la tarea de garantizar el crecimiento cualitativo de las exportaciones y su diversificación geográfica, lo que permitirá ampliar los mercados y contribuir a la sostenibilidad del comercio exterior. Esto se explica por el hecho de que las exportaciones son la base de la economía bielorrusa abierta, que garantiza la entrada de divisas en el país, los beneficios a las empresas y los impuestos al presupuesto. Para resolver esta tarea es necesario: desarrollar la integración económica a gran escala con los países de la Unión Económica Euroasiática y especialmente con las entidades federativas rusas en el marco del Estado de la Unión, así como con los países de la Comunidad de Estados Independientes; profundizar en la cooperación con los Estados que participan en la ejecución del megaproyecto "Un cinturón, una ruta" y especialmente con las provincias, regiones autónomas y ciudades de la República Popular China; intensificar los lazos comerciales y económicos con los países del "arco lejano": el Sudeste Asiático, Bashkortostán, la República de Bielorrusia, la República de Bielorrusia, la Federación Rusa y la Comunidad de Estados Independientes. ¿Cómo se están resolviendo estas tareas en la actualidad? Este es el tema del estudio propuesto.

The Program of Social and Economic Development of the Republic of Belarus for 2021-2025 sets the task to ensure qualitative growth of exports and their geographical diversification, which will make it possible to expand markets and contribute to the sustainability of foreign trade. This is explained by the fact that exports are the basis of the open Belarusian economy, which ensures the inflow of foreign currency into the country, profits to enterprises, and taxes to the budget. To solve this task it is necessary to: develop large-scale economic integration with the countries of the Eurasian Economic Union and especially with the Russian federative entities within the framework of the Union State, as well as with the countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States; deepen cooperation with the states participating in the implementation of the megaproject "One Belt, One Road" and especially with the provinces, autonomous regions and cities of the People's Republic of China; intensify trade and economic ties with the countries of the "far arc" - South-East Asia, Bashkortostan, China, China, China, and other countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States. How are these tasks being solved today? This is the subject of the proposed study.

The aim of this book is to identify the elements that formed the basis of Brazil's Foreign Policy. In order to achieve this goal, the actions and treaties of Joanine Foreign Policy and the First Reign in Brazil will be analysed. The work makes a critical comparison, verifying the convergences and divergences between the two periods studied. The relevance of this study is to understand the formulation of Brazil's Foreign Policy from its basis, as it is noted that these periods are little studied. The study is not limited to Foreign Policy issues, but also develops themes such as the internal transformation of Brazil with the arrival of the Portuguese court and after Brazil's independence.

Para a didática especializada com especial consideração pela educação histórico-política, os desafios actuais na prevenção do antissemitismo surgem porque, para além das descrições teóricas, históricas, socioculturais e críticas, é também necessário salientar que o conhecimento e a educação são necessários, mas não protegem. O conhecimento e a educação são necessários, mas não protegem. A (auto)reflexão e a competência sociocultural, bem como a experiência educativa autónoma com condições de enquadramento favoráveis, são indispensáveis. O conhecimento do conflito do Médio Oriente e da geografia de Israel é essencial.