Politik

This book focuses on the traditional ecological knowledge in addressing the current climate crisis in the Indian Himalayas. Local or indigenous people in the Himalayas, through their low-carbon producing lifestyles, contribute very little to the climate crisis. However, at the same time, they bear the brunt of this crisis way more than many others. It is important to learn about their traditional ways of life and the knowledge that they hold regarding ecology and environment. Traditional ecological knowledge and associated belief systems are given increasing attention across the globe in recent times toward addressing some of the grave environmental concerns. Climate change is one such concern. The rising consideration of concepts such as ethnoecology and ethnobotany signifies the scientific, socio-cultural and economic potential of the traditional ecological knowledge systems. It is indisputable that these knowledge systems have the ability to provide important insights towards tackling many present-day environmental distresses including several climate change challenges. In this book, the authors concentrate on such traditional ecological knowledge systems in the Indian Himalayan region and try to figure out their significance in relation to the modern science. Overall, the authors attempt to write a book where the relevance of traditional ecological knowledge systems could be addressed and communicated to a larger audience-both academic scientific and non-academic.

Texas is a solid red state. Or trending purple. Or soon to be blue. One thing is certain: as Texas looms ever larger in national politics, the makeup of its electorate increasingly matters. At a critical moment, as migration, immigration, and a maturing populace alter the state's political landscape, this book presents a deeply researched, data-rich look at who Texas voters are, what they want, and what it might mean for the future of the Republican and Democratic parties, the state, and the nation. Battle for the Heart of Texas goes beyond the pronouncements of leaders and pundits to reveal voters' nuanced opinions--about the 2020 Democratic primary candidates, state and national Republicans' responses to the Covid-19 pandemic, and issues such as immigration and gun policy. Working with an unprecedented cache of polling figures and qualitative data from surveys and focus groups--the product of a cooperative effort between the Dallas Morning News and The University of Texas at Tyler--Mark Owens, Kenneth A. Wink, and Kenneth Bryant Jr. provide an in-depth examination of what is reshaping voter preferences across Texas, including the partisan impact of the urbanization and nationalization of state politics. Their analyses pinpoint the influence of race, media exposure, ideological diversity within the parties, and geographic variation across the state, detailing how Texas politics has changed over time. Race may not have typically defined Texas politics, for instance, but the authors find that rhetoric on policies related to race are now shaping the electorate. The diversity in civic engagement among the Latino community also emerges from the data, compounded and complicated by the growth of the Latino population of voting age. The largest red state in the country, with the second-largest population, Texas is crucial to the way we think about political change in America--and this book amply and precisely equips us to understand the bellwether state's changing politics.

The reigning consensus holds that the combination of free markets and democracy would transform the third world and sweep away the ethnic hatred and religious zealotry associated with underdevelopment. In this revelatory investigation of the true impact of globalization, Yale Law School professor Amy Chua explains why many developing countries are in fact consumed by ethnic violence after adopting free market democracy. Chua shows how in non-Western countries around the globe, free markets have concentrated starkly disproportionate wealth in the hands of a resented ethnic minority. These "market-dominant minorities" - Chinese in Southeast Asia, Croatians in the former Yugoslavia, whites in Latin America and South Africa, Indians in East Africa, Lebanese in West Africa, Jews in post-communist Russia - become objects of violent hatred. At the same time, democracy empowers the impoverished majority, unleashing ethnic demagoguery, confiscation, and sometimes genocidal revenge. She also argues that the United States has become the world's most visible market-dominant minority, a fact that helps explain the rising tide of anti-Americanism around the world. Chua is a friend of globalization, but she urges us to find ways to spread its benefits and curb its most destructive aspects.

In America's Jubilee distinguished historian Andrew Burstein presents an engrossing narrative that takes us back to a pivotal year in American history, 1826, when the reins of democracy were being passed from the last Revolutionary War heroes to a new generation of leaders.Through brilliant sketches of selected individuals and events, Burstein creates an evocative portrait of the hopes and fears of Americans fifty years after the Revolution. We follow an aged Marquis de Lafayette on his triumphant tour of the country; and learn of the nearly simultaneous deaths of John Adams and Thomas Jefferson on the 4th of July. We meet the ornery President John Quincy Adams, the controversial Secretary of State Henry Clay, and the notorious hot-tempered General Andrew Jackson. We also see the year through the eyes of a minister's wife, a romantic novelist, and even an intrepid wheel of cheese. Insightful and lively, America's Jubilee captures an unforgettable time in the republic's history, when a generation embraced the legacy of its predecessors and sought to enlarge its role in America's story.

Die klassische Lehre von politischen Übergängen geht davon aus, dass sie eine demokratische Nachfolge von Unterdrückung durch Freiheit, von Menschenrechtsverletzungen durch Rechtsstaatlichkeit bedeuten. Sie stellt dieses Phänomen so dar, dass es mit dem Prozess der Auflösung eines autoritären Regimes beginnt und in die Errichtung eines demokratischen Regierungssystems mündet. In den 1990er Jahren inspirierte dieses Paradigma in Afrika die Politik der Geber durch Programme zur Unterstützung der Demokratisierung, der Wahlprozesse, der Presse und der Zivilgesellschaft, des Justizsystems und sogar der Reform der Armee und der Polizei. Der Optimismus dieser Ära der proklamatorischen Konditionalität weicht schnell der Ernüchterung, als klar wird, dass "die Mayonnaise nicht greift", zumindest nicht überall. Auf den Demokratisierungsbonus folgt der Bonus der guten Verwaltung und in vielen Fällen sogar der Bonus des Status quo. Politische Übergänge führen nicht zwangsläufig von der Diktatur zur Demokratie und die Entwicklung verläuft nicht zwangsläufig geradlinig.

Der Gedanke, dass Gesundheitsdienstleistungen nachverfolgt werden können und daher dem allgemeinen Diktat des Wirtschaftsprinzips unterliegen, widerspricht den kulturellen Überzeugungen und Traditionen der Menschen in Nigeria. Ein kranker Mensch in der Gesellschaft braucht Hilfe und sollte nicht nur als eine weitere Statistik betrachtet werden, die Investitionen in die Gesundheitsdienste und damit die Liberalisierung dieses Sektors rechtfertigt. Die Zahlungsfähigkeit für Gesundheitsleistungen sollte nicht das Kriterium für den Zugang zu diesen sein.

Um zu verstehen, wie eine Außenpolitik formuliert wird, muss man die Geschichte des untersuchten Staates kennen und auch die verschiedenen Ereignisse, die die Handlungen der internationalen Akteure bestimmen. Das außenpolitische Handeln eines Staates kann mit Hilfe des offensiven Realismus erklärt werden, der besagt, dass der Schlüssel zum Überleben in der Macht liegt, da es keine supranationale Organisation gibt, die diese Handlungen reguliert. Ziel dieser Arbeit war es, die Veränderungen in der US-Außenpolitik gegenüber dem Nahen Osten, insbesondere Afghanistan und Irak, vom Beginn des Kalten Krieges bis zum ersten Jahrzehnt nach den Anschlägen vom 11. September 2001 zu ermitteln. Die Interessen der USA im Nahen Osten bestehen seit dem Kalten Krieg und stellen die größten Bemühungen des Landes dar, das Vordringen der Sowjetunion einzudämmen. Die politische Strategie der USA für die Region besteht darin, einen politischen und wirtschaftlichen Status quo aufrechtzuerhalten, der die Ausbeutung und Vermarktung von Öl zu erschwinglichen Preisen ermöglicht. Die Anschläge von 2001 veränderten die Ausrichtung der US-Außenpolitik auf den Nahen Osten und führten zu Kriegen und politischen Krisen.

In diesem Papier werden die Gesamtkosten der BSB5-Kontrolle in einem Abschnitt des Einzugsgebiets des Bío Bío in der Region VIII in Chile zwischen Standardkontrollmaßnahmen und einem Marktsystem verglichen: Standardkontrolle mit einem Marktsystem. Nach zahlreichen theoretischen Demonstrationen und Simulationen, die in den letzten Jahrzehnten entwickelt wurden, ist das Marktsystem kosteneffizient. Wenn jedoch die Einhaltung vorgegebener Ziele verlangt und überprüft wird, wodurch das Marktsystem gezwungen wird, die Zahl der Genehmigungen zu verringern, um das Umweltziel zu erreichen, verliert das Marktsystem seine Effizienz. Diese Anwendung zeigt, dass ein System übertragbarer Einleitungsgenehmigungen bei bestimmten Umweltanforderungen nicht mehr kosteneffizient ist, und zwar unter anderem aufgrund der von den Wassersystemen selbst auferlegten Beschränkungen, des Standorts der am stärksten verschmutzenden Quellen mit den höchsten Grenzvermeidungskosten in dem untersuchten Gebiet und der Assimilationskapazität der aufnehmenden Gewässer.

La mera noción de que los servicios sanitarios sean trazables y, por tanto, estén bajo los dictados generales del principio de economía, va en contra de las creencias y tradiciones culturales del pueblo de Nigeria. Una persona enferma en la sociedad necesita ayuda y no debe ser vista simplemente como otra estadística que justifique la inversión en servicios sanitarios y, para el caso, la liberalización de ese sector. La capacidad de pago de los servicios sanitarios no debe ser el criterio de acceso a los mismos.

A doutrina clássica das transições políticas parte do princípio de que estas implicam uma sucessão democrática da opressão para a liberdade, da violação dos direitos humanos para o Estado de direito. Apresenta este fenómeno como começando com o processo de dissolução de um regime autoritário e conduzindo ao estabelecimento de um sistema democrático de governação. Em África, nos anos 90, este paradigma inspirou as políticas dos doadores através de programas de apoio à democratização, aos processos eleitorais, à imprensa e à sociedade civil, ao sistema judicial e até à reforma das forças armadas e da polícia. O otimismo desta era de condicionalidade proclítica rapidamente deu lugar ao desencanto, quando se tornou claro que "a maionese não estava a funcionar", pelo menos não em todo o lado. O prémio da democratização é substituído pelo prémio da boa gestão e, em muitos casos, até pelo prémio do status quo. É de notar que as transições políticas não conduzem necessariamente da ditadura à democracia e que a evolução não é necessariamente linear.

A própria noção de que os serviços de saúde devem ser rastreados e, por conseguinte, estar sob os ditames gerais do princípio da economia vai contra as crenças e tradições culturais do povo da Nigéria. Uma pessoa doente na sociedade precisa de ajuda e não deve ser vista meramente como mais uma estatística para justificar o investimento nos serviços de saúde e, já agora, a liberalização desse sector. A capacidade de pagar pelos serviços de saúde não deve ser o critério de acesso aos mesmos.

Ponimanie togo, kak formuliruetsq wneshnqq politika, predpolagaet znanie istorii izuchaemogo gosudarstwa, a takzhe razlichnyh sobytij, kotorye opredelqüt dejstwiq mezhdunarodnyh aktorow. Vneshnie dejstwiq gosudarstwa mozhno ob#qsnit' s pomosch'ü nastupatel'nogo realizma, kotoryj ob#qsnqet, chto, poskol'ku ne suschestwuet nadnacional'noj organizacii, kotoraq regulirowala by äti dejstwiq, klüchom k wyzhiwaniü qwlqetsq sila. Cel'ü dannoj raboty bylo wyqwit' izmeneniq wo wneshnej politike SShA w otnoshenii Blizhnego Vostoka, osobenno Afganistana i Iraka, s nachala holodnoj wojny do perwogo desqtiletiq posle teraktow 11 sentqbrq 2001 goda. Interesy SShA na Blizhnem Vostoke suschestwuüt so wremen holodnoj wojny, predstawlqq soboj naibol'shie usiliq strany po sderzhiwaniü nastupleniq Sowetskogo Soüza. Politicheskaq strategiq SShA w regione - äto zhiznenno wazhnyj wopros sohraneniq politicheskogo i äkonomicheskogo status-kwo, pozwolqüschego dobywat' i prodawat' neft' po dostupnym cenam. Terakty 2001 goda izmenili fokus wneshnej politiki SShA w storonu Blizhnego Vostoka i priweli k wojnam i politicheskim krizisam.

Klassicheskaq doktrina politicheskih perehodow ishodit iz togo, chto oni predpolagaüt demokraticheskuü posledowatel'nost' perehoda ot ugneteniq k swobode, ot narusheniq praw cheloweka k werhowenstwu zakona. Ona predstawlqet äto qwlenie kak process, nachinaüschijsq so smeny awtoritarnogo rezhima i weduschij k ustanowleniü demokraticheskoj sistemy prawleniq. V Afrike w 1990-e gody äta paradigma wdohnowlqla politiku donorow na programmy podderzhki demokratizacii, izbiratel'nyh processow, pressy i grazhdanskogo obschestwa, sudebnoj sistemy i dazhe reformy wooruzhennyh sil i policii. Optimizm ätoj äpohi prokliticheskoj obuslowlennosti bystro smenilsq razocharowaniem, kogda stalo qsno, chto "majonez ne rabotaet", po krajnej mere, ne wezde. Na smenu demokratizacii prishla zabota o horoshem uprawlenii, a wo mnogih sluchaqh dazhe o sohranenii status-kwo. Sleduet otmetit', chto politicheskie perehody ne obqzatel'no wedut ot diktatury k demokratii, a äwolüciq ne wsegda prqmolinejna.

Understanding how a foreign policy is formulated involves knowledge of the history of the state being studied and also the various events that drive the actions of international actors. A state's external actions can be explained through offensive realism, which explains that since there is no supranational organisation to regulate these actions, the key to survival is power. The aim of this work was to identify the changes in US foreign policy towards the Middle East, especially Afghanistan and Iraq, from the start of the Cold War until the first decade after the attacks of 11 September 2001. US interests in the Middle East have existed since the Cold War, representing the country's greatest efforts to contain the advance of the Soviet Union. The US political strategy for the region is a vital question of maintaining a political and economic status quo that allows oil to be exploited and commercialised at affordable prices. The 2001 attacks changed the focus of US foreign policy towards the Middle East and culminated in wars and political crises.

This paper compares the total costs of BOD5 control in a section of the Bío Bío river basin, in the VIII Region of Chile, between standard control policies and a market system: Standard Control with a market system. According to countless theoretical demonstrations and simulations developed over the last decades, the market system is cost-effective. However, when compliance with pre-set targets is required and verified, forcing the market system to reduce the number of permits to meet the environmental target, the market system loses its efficiency. This application shows that at certain levels of environmental demand, a system of transferable discharge permits is no longer cost-effective due, among other reasons, to: the restrictions imposed by the water systems themselves, the location of the most polluting sources with the highest marginal abatement costs in the area studied, and the assimilation capacity of the receiving water bodies.

Este artigo compara os custos totais do controlo da CBO5 numa secção da bacia hidrográfica do rio Bío Bío, na VIII Região do Chile, entre políticas de controlo normalizadas e um sistema de mercado: Controlo normalizado com um sistema de mercado. De acordo com inúmeras demonstrações teóricas e simulações desenvolvidas nas últimas décadas, o sistema de mercado é rentável. No entanto, quando é exigido e verificado o cumprimento de objectivos pré-estabelecidos, obrigando o sistema de mercado a reduzir o número de licenças para cumprir o objetivo ambiental, o sistema de mercado perde a sua eficiência. Esta aplicação mostra que, a determinados níveis de exigência ambiental, um sistema de licenças de descarga transferíveis deixa de ser rentável devido, entre outras razões, às restrições impostas pelos próprios sistemas hídricos, à localização das fontes mais poluentes com os custos marginais de redução mais elevados na zona estudada e à capacidade de assimilação das massas de água receptoras.

Sama ideq o tom, chto medicinskie uslugi dolzhny otslezhiwat'sq i, sledowatel'no, podchinqt'sq obschemu diktatu äkonomicheskogo principa, protiworechit kul'turnym predstawleniqm i tradiciqm naroda Nigerii. Bol'noj chelowek w obschestwe nuzhdaetsq w pomoschi i ne dolzhen rassmatriwat'sq lish' kak esche odin statisticheskij pokazatel', oprawdywaüschij inwesticii w zdrawoohranenie i, tem bolee, liberalizaciü ätogo sektora. Sposobnost' platit' za medicinskie uslugi ne dolzhna byt' kriteriem dostupa k nim.

The classic doctrine of political transitions assumes that they involve the democratic succession from oppression to freedom, from human rights violations to the rule of law. It presents this phenomenon as beginning with the process of dissolving an authoritarian regime and leading to the establishment of a democratic system of governance. In Africa in the 1990s, this paradigm inspired donor policies through support programs for democratization, electoral processes, the press and civil society, the judiciary and even the reform of the armed forces and police. The optimism of this era of proclitic conditionality quickly gave way to disenchantment, when it became clear that "the mayonnaise wasn't working", at least not everywhere. The premium on democratization is replaced by the premium on good management, and in many cases even by the premium on the status quo. Note that political transitions do not necessarily lead from dictatorship to democracy, and evolution is not necessarily straightforward.

V dannoj stat'e srawniwaütsq obschie zatraty na kontrol' BPK5 na uchastke bassejna reki Bio-Bio, w VIII regione Chili, mezhdu standartnoj politikoj kontrolq i rynochnoj sistemoj: Standartnyj kontrol' i rynochnaq sistema. Soglasno beschislennym teoreticheskim demonstraciqm i modelirowaniü, razrabotannym za poslednie desqtiletiq, rynochnaq sistema qwlqetsq äkonomicheski äffektiwnoj. Odnako, kogda trebuetsq i prowerqetsq soblüdenie zaranee ustanowlennyh celewyh pokazatelej, chto wynuzhdaet rynochnuü sistemu sokraschat' kolichestwo razreshenij dlq dostizheniq äkologicheskih celej, rynochnaq sistema terqet swoü äffektiwnost'. Dannoe prilozhenie pokazywaet, chto pri opredelennyh urownqh äkologicheskogo sprosa sistema peredawaemyh razreshenij na sbros perestaet byt' äkonomicheski äffektiwnoj, w tom chisle po sleduüschim prichinam: ogranicheniq, nakladywaemye samimi wodnymi sistemami, raspolozhenie naibolee zagrqznqüschih istochnikow s naibol'shimi predel'nymi zatratami na bor'bu s zagrqzneniem w izuchaemom rajone i assimilqcionnaq sposobnost' prinimaüschih wodnyh ob#ektow.

L'idea stessa che i servizi sanitari debbano essere tracciati e quindi rientrare nei dettami generali del principio dell'economia va contro le convinzioni e le tradizioni culturali del popolo nigeriano. Un malato nella società ha bisogno di aiuto e non dovrebbe essere visto solo come un'altra statistica che giustifichi gli investimenti nei servizi sanitari e la liberalizzazione del settore. La capacità di pagare i servizi sanitari non dovrebbe essere il criterio per accedervi.

L'idée même que les services de soins de santé soient tracés et donc soumis au principe général de l'économie va à l'encontre des croyances et des traditions culturelles du peuple nigérian. Une personne malade dans la société a besoin d'aide et ne devrait pas être considérée simplement comme une autre statistique justifiant l'investissement dans les services de santé et, en l'occurrence, la libéralisation de ce secteur. La capacité à payer les services de santé ne devrait pas être le critère d'accès à ces services.

La comprensione di come viene formulata una politica estera implica la conoscenza della storia dello Stato oggetto di studio e dei vari eventi che guidano le azioni degli attori internazionali. Le azioni esterne di uno Stato possono essere spiegate attraverso il realismo offensivo, che spiega che, non essendoci un'organizzazione sovranazionale che regoli queste azioni, la chiave per la sopravvivenza è il potere. L'obiettivo di questo lavoro è stato quello di identificare i cambiamenti nella politica estera degli Stati Uniti verso il Medio Oriente, in particolare verso l'Afghanistan e l'Iraq, dall'inizio della Guerra Fredda fino al primo decennio successivo agli attacchi dell'11 settembre 2001. Gli interessi degli Stati Uniti in Medio Oriente esistono fin dalla Guerra Fredda e rappresentano il massimo sforzo del Paese per contenere l'avanzata dell'Unione Sovietica. La strategia politica degli Stati Uniti per la regione è una questione vitale di mantenimento di uno status quo politico ed economico che permetta lo sfruttamento e la commercializzazione del petrolio a prezzi accessibili. Gli attentati del 2001 hanno cambiato l'orientamento della politica estera statunitense verso il Medio Oriente, culminando in guerre e crisi politiche.

Cet article compare les coûts totaux du contrôle de la DBO5 dans une section du bassin hydrographique du Bío Bío, dans la VIIIe région du Chili, entre des politiques de contrôle standard et un système de marché : Contrôle standard avec un système de marché. Selon d'innombrables démonstrations théoriques et simulations réalisées au cours des dernières décennies, le système de marché est rentable. Toutefois, lorsque le respect d'objectifs préétablis est exigé et vérifié, ce qui oblige le système de marché à réduire le nombre de permis pour atteindre l'objectif environnemental, le système de marché perd de son efficacité. Cette application montre qu'à certains niveaux de demande environnementale, un système de permis de rejet transférables n'est plus rentable en raison, entre autres, des restrictions imposées par les systèmes d'eau eux-mêmes, de la localisation des sources les plus polluantes ayant les coûts marginaux de réduction les plus élevés dans la zone étudiée, et de la capacité d'assimilation des masses d'eau réceptrices.

La dottrina classica delle transizioni politiche presuppone che esse comportino una successione democratica dall'oppressione alla libertà, dalla violazione dei diritti umani allo Stato di diritto. Presenta questo fenomeno come se iniziasse con il processo di dissoluzione di un regime autoritario e portasse all'istituzione di un sistema di governo democratico. In Africa, negli anni '90, questo paradigma ha ispirato le politiche dei donatori attraverso programmi di sostegno alla democratizzazione, ai processi elettorali, alla stampa e alla società civile, al sistema giudiziario e persino alla riforma delle forze armate e di polizia. L'ottimismo di quest'epoca di condizionalità proclitica ha lasciato rapidamente il posto al disincanto, quando è diventato chiaro che "la maionese non funzionava", almeno non ovunque. Il premio per la democratizzazione è stato sostituito da un premio per la buona gestione, e in molti casi persino da un premio per lo status quo. Va notato che le transizioni politiche non portano necessariamente dalla dittatura alla democrazia, e l'evoluzione non è necessariamente lineare.

Il presente documento confronta i costi totali del controllo del BOD5 in una sezione del bacino del fiume Bío Bío, nell'VIII Regione del Cile, tra politiche di controllo standard e un sistema di mercato: Controllo standard con un sistema di mercato. Secondo innumerevoli dimostrazioni teoriche e simulazioni sviluppate negli ultimi decenni, il sistema di mercato è economicamente vantaggioso. Tuttavia, quando viene richiesto e verificato il rispetto di obiettivi prestabiliti, costringendo il sistema di mercato a ridurre il numero di permessi per raggiungere l'obiettivo ambientale, il sistema di mercato perde la sua efficienza. Questa applicazione mostra che, a certi livelli di domanda ambientale, un sistema di permessi di scarico trasferibili non è più efficace dal punto di vista dei costi a causa, tra l'altro, delle restrizioni imposte dagli stessi sistemi idrici, della localizzazione delle fonti più inquinanti con i più alti costi marginali di abbattimento nell'area studiata e della capacità di assimilazione dei corpi idrici riceventi.

Comprendre la formulation d'une politique étrangère implique de connaître l'histoire de l'État étudié ainsi que les différents événements qui motivent les actions des acteurs internationaux. Les actions extérieures d'un État peuvent être expliquées par le réalisme offensif, qui explique qu'en l'absence d'organisation supranationale pour réguler ces actions, la clé de la survie est la puissance. L'objectif de ce travail était d'identifier les changements dans la politique étrangère américaine à l'égard du Moyen-Orient, en particulier de l'Afghanistan et de l'Irak, depuis le début de la guerre froide jusqu'à la première décennie qui a suivi les attaques du 11 septembre 2001. Les intérêts américains au Moyen-Orient existent depuis la guerre froide, représentant les plus grands efforts du pays pour contenir l'avancée de l'Union soviétique. La stratégie politique des États-Unis dans la région consiste à maintenir un statu quo politique et économique qui permette l'exploitation et la commercialisation du pétrole à des prix abordables. Les attentats de 2001 ont modifié l'orientation de la politique étrangère américaine vers le Moyen-Orient et ont débouché sur des guerres et des crises politiques.